Ed
E. de Vuijst
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9 records found
1
Parents and Peers
Parental Neighbourhood- and School-Level Variation in Individual Neighbourhood Outcomes Later in Life
Growing up in a disadvantaged parental neighbourhood is related to long-term exposure to similar neighbourhoods as adults. However, there are multiple socio-spatial contexts besides the residential neighbourhood to which individuals are exposed over the life course, such as households, schools, and places of work and leisure, which also influence their outcomes. For children and adolescents, the school environment is especially important. We argue that leaving these contexts out of consideration in models of neighbourhood effects could lead to a misspecification of the relevance of the residential environment in determining individual outcomes. This study examines the joint influence of the parental background, the parental neighbourhood, and a compositional measure of the childhood school environment, on individual neighbourhood trajectories later in life. We use Dutch longitudinal register data to study a complete cohort of adolescents from 1999 to 2012. We fit cross-classified multilevel models to partition the variance of schools and parental neighbourhoods over time. We find that parental neighbourhood quality strongly determines children’s residential outcomes later in life. The variation in individual neighbourhood outcomes at the school level is explained by the ethnicity, parental income, and personal income of the research population, suggesting grouping of children from particular backgrounds into specific school environments.
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Growing up in a disadvantaged parental neighbourhood is related to long-term exposure to similar neighbourhoods as adults. However, there are multiple socio-spatial contexts besides the residential neighbourhood to which individuals are exposed over the life course, such as households, schools, and places of work and leisure, which also influence their outcomes. For children and adolescents, the school environment is especially important. We argue that leaving these contexts out of consideration in models of neighbourhood effects could lead to a misspecification of the relevance of the residential environment in determining individual outcomes. This study examines the joint influence of the parental background, the parental neighbourhood, and a compositional measure of the childhood school environment, on individual neighbourhood trajectories later in life. We use Dutch longitudinal register data to study a complete cohort of adolescents from 1999 to 2012. We fit cross-classified multilevel models to partition the variance of schools and parental neighbourhoods over time. We find that parental neighbourhood quality strongly determines children’s residential outcomes later in life. The variation in individual neighbourhood outcomes at the school level is explained by the ethnicity, parental income, and personal income of the research population, suggesting grouping of children from particular backgrounds into specific school environments.
The residential environment has been argued to affect individual-level outcomes in life, through so-called neighbourhood effects (for a compilation see Ellen & Turner 1997; Sampson et al. 2002; Galster 2002; 2012). In particular, deprived neighbourhoods are assumed to negatively affect the life chances of their residents (Friedrichs & Blasius 2003; Wilson 2012[1987]; Crowder & South 2003). Neighbourhood effects have been reported on individual outcomes for both children and adults, ranging from socioeconomic attainment to individual wellbeing and health. However, these studies have been criticised in the scientific field, with literature suggesting that the relative impact of neighbourhood effects and the mechanisms that allegedly produce them remain unclear (Small & Feldman 2011; van Ham et al. 2014; Sampson et al. 2002).
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The residential environment has been argued to affect individual-level outcomes in life, through so-called neighbourhood effects (for a compilation see Ellen & Turner 1997; Sampson et al. 2002; Galster 2002; 2012). In particular, deprived neighbourhoods are assumed to negatively affect the life chances of their residents (Friedrichs & Blasius 2003; Wilson 2012[1987]; Crowder & South 2003). Neighbourhood effects have been reported on individual outcomes for both children and adults, ranging from socioeconomic attainment to individual wellbeing and health. However, these studies have been criticised in the scientific field, with literature suggesting that the relative impact of neighbourhood effects and the mechanisms that allegedly produce them remain unclear (Small & Feldman 2011; van Ham et al. 2014; Sampson et al. 2002).
Parents and Peers
Parental Neighbourhood- and School-Level Variation in Individual Neighbourhood Outcomes over Time
There is a link between the socio-economic outcomes of parents and their children over the life course. Intergenerational transmissions were repeatedly shown for socioeconomic characteristics and (dis)advantage, but recently also for residential neighbourhood status. Previous research from the Netherlands, Sweden, and the US shows that children from disadvantaged parental neighbourhoods experience long-term exposure to similar neighbourhoods as adults. However, there are multiple parallel socio-spatial contexts besides the residential space to which individuals are exposed on a daily basis, such as households, schools, and places of work and leisure, which may also influence their outcomes. For children and adolescents, the school environment may be especially important. This study contributes to the literature by examining the joint influence of the parental background, the parental neighbourhood, and a compositional measure of the school environment, on the neighbourhood trajectories of Dutch adolescents after leaving the parental home. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of school-going home-leavers, who were followed from 1999 to 2012. We fit cross-classified multilevel models, in order to split up the variance components of schools and parental residential neighbourhoods over time. We find that poverty concentration in the parental neighbourhood plays an important role in determining their children’s residential outcomes later in life. Some variation in individual neighbourhood outcomes at the level of the secondary school remains unexplained.
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There is a link between the socio-economic outcomes of parents and their children over the life course. Intergenerational transmissions were repeatedly shown for socioeconomic characteristics and (dis)advantage, but recently also for residential neighbourhood status. Previous research from the Netherlands, Sweden, and the US shows that children from disadvantaged parental neighbourhoods experience long-term exposure to similar neighbourhoods as adults. However, there are multiple parallel socio-spatial contexts besides the residential space to which individuals are exposed on a daily basis, such as households, schools, and places of work and leisure, which may also influence their outcomes. For children and adolescents, the school environment may be especially important. This study contributes to the literature by examining the joint influence of the parental background, the parental neighbourhood, and a compositional measure of the school environment, on the neighbourhood trajectories of Dutch adolescents after leaving the parental home. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of school-going home-leavers, who were followed from 1999 to 2012. We fit cross-classified multilevel models, in order to split up the variance components of schools and parental residential neighbourhoods over time. We find that poverty concentration in the parental neighbourhood plays an important role in determining their children’s residential outcomes later in life. Some variation in individual neighbourhood outcomes at the level of the secondary school remains unexplained.
It is well-known that socioeconomic outcomes and (dis)advantage over the life course can be transmitted from parent to child. It is increasingly suggested that these intergenerational effects also have a spatial dimension, although empirical research into this topic remains scarce. Previous research from Sweden and the United States shows that children who grow up in disadvantaged neighbourhoods experience long-term exposure to such neighbourhoods in their adult lives. This study contributes to the literature by examining to what extent educational attainment can break the link between parental neighbourhood disadvantage and the neighbourhood experiences of children as adults up to 12 years after leaving the parental home. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers, covering 119,167 individuals who were followed from 1999 to 2012. Using sequence analyses as a visualisation method, and multilevel logit models, we demonstrate that children who lived in deprived neighbourhoods with their parents are more likely to live in similar neighbourhoods later in life than children who grew up in more affluent neighbourhoods. We find that intergenerational neighbourhood patterns of disadvantage can be discontinued when individuals attain higher education over time. Discontinuation is however less prevalent among individuals from ethnic minority groups.
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It is well-known that socioeconomic outcomes and (dis)advantage over the life course can be transmitted from parent to child. It is increasingly suggested that these intergenerational effects also have a spatial dimension, although empirical research into this topic remains scarce. Previous research from Sweden and the United States shows that children who grow up in disadvantaged neighbourhoods experience long-term exposure to such neighbourhoods in their adult lives. This study contributes to the literature by examining to what extent educational attainment can break the link between parental neighbourhood disadvantage and the neighbourhood experiences of children as adults up to 12 years after leaving the parental home. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers, covering 119,167 individuals who were followed from 1999 to 2012. Using sequence analyses as a visualisation method, and multilevel logit models, we demonstrate that children who lived in deprived neighbourhoods with their parents are more likely to live in similar neighbourhoods later in life than children who grew up in more affluent neighbourhoods. We find that intergenerational neighbourhood patterns of disadvantage can be discontinued when individuals attain higher education over time. Discontinuation is however less prevalent among individuals from ethnic minority groups.
Educational Attainment and Neighbourhood Outcomes
Differences between Highly- Educated Natives and Non-Western Ethnic Minorities in the Netherlands
In the Netherlands, obtaining a higher education increases the chance to move to a better neighbourhood for native Dutch adults who grew up in a deprived parental neighbourhood.
For non-Western minorities, education does not have this positive effect on socio-spatial mobility. In this study we investigate potential explanations for these ethnic differences in the relationship between educational attainment and neighbourhood outcomes over time. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers who attained a higher education by the end of the measurement period (1999 to 2012). We supplemented this data with information gathered in the WoON-survey. We examined differences in income trajectories for highly-educated native
Dutch and non-Western ethnic minorities; investigated the strength of intergenerational transmission of income for both groups; and assessed individual neighbourhood experiences and contentment. We find that the highly-educated native Dutch in our subpopulation have a substantially higher average income over time, and a weaker association to the income of their parents compared to the non-Western ethnic minorities. Additionally, for ethnic minorities, our results show that the level of contentment with their neighbourhood is highest in deprived neighbourhoods compared to more affluent residential environments, and they more often reside in close proximity to their parents compared to the native Dutch, both suggesting an element of choice in neighbourhood selection. ...
For non-Western minorities, education does not have this positive effect on socio-spatial mobility. In this study we investigate potential explanations for these ethnic differences in the relationship between educational attainment and neighbourhood outcomes over time. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers who attained a higher education by the end of the measurement period (1999 to 2012). We supplemented this data with information gathered in the WoON-survey. We examined differences in income trajectories for highly-educated native
Dutch and non-Western ethnic minorities; investigated the strength of intergenerational transmission of income for both groups; and assessed individual neighbourhood experiences and contentment. We find that the highly-educated native Dutch in our subpopulation have a substantially higher average income over time, and a weaker association to the income of their parents compared to the non-Western ethnic minorities. Additionally, for ethnic minorities, our results show that the level of contentment with their neighbourhood is highest in deprived neighbourhoods compared to more affluent residential environments, and they more often reside in close proximity to their parents compared to the native Dutch, both suggesting an element of choice in neighbourhood selection. ...
In the Netherlands, obtaining a higher education increases the chance to move to a better neighbourhood for native Dutch adults who grew up in a deprived parental neighbourhood.
For non-Western minorities, education does not have this positive effect on socio-spatial mobility. In this study we investigate potential explanations for these ethnic differences in the relationship between educational attainment and neighbourhood outcomes over time. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers who attained a higher education by the end of the measurement period (1999 to 2012). We supplemented this data with information gathered in the WoON-survey. We examined differences in income trajectories for highly-educated native
Dutch and non-Western ethnic minorities; investigated the strength of intergenerational transmission of income for both groups; and assessed individual neighbourhood experiences and contentment. We find that the highly-educated native Dutch in our subpopulation have a substantially higher average income over time, and a weaker association to the income of their parents compared to the non-Western ethnic minorities. Additionally, for ethnic minorities, our results show that the level of contentment with their neighbourhood is highest in deprived neighbourhoods compared to more affluent residential environments, and they more often reside in close proximity to their parents compared to the native Dutch, both suggesting an element of choice in neighbourhood selection.
For non-Western minorities, education does not have this positive effect on socio-spatial mobility. In this study we investigate potential explanations for these ethnic differences in the relationship between educational attainment and neighbourhood outcomes over time. We use longitudinal register data from the Netherlands to study a complete cohort of parental home leavers who attained a higher education by the end of the measurement period (1999 to 2012). We supplemented this data with information gathered in the WoON-survey. We examined differences in income trajectories for highly-educated native
Dutch and non-Western ethnic minorities; investigated the strength of intergenerational transmission of income for both groups; and assessed individual neighbourhood experiences and contentment. We find that the highly-educated native Dutch in our subpopulation have a substantially higher average income over time, and a weaker association to the income of their parents compared to the non-Western ethnic minorities. Additionally, for ethnic minorities, our results show that the level of contentment with their neighbourhood is highest in deprived neighbourhoods compared to more affluent residential environments, and they more often reside in close proximity to their parents compared to the native Dutch, both suggesting an element of choice in neighbourhood selection.
Parental divorce has repeatedly been shown to increase the risk of divorce for offspring, but research on the influence of other social ties is scarce. This study examines the association of divorce between siblings and whether such an association varies under specific sibship characteristics. Hypotheses were tested using event history models on five complete Dutch birth cohorts (1970–1974), derived from register data. Married individuals (N = 64677) and their sibling were followed from 2000 up to 2012. Results show that individuals with a divorced sibling had a higher risk of divorce even after correcting for a number of shared background factors, including parental divorce. The divorce of a younger sibling had a weaker association with an individual’s divorce risk than the divorce of an older sibling, and the effect of sibling divorce weakened over time.
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Parental divorce has repeatedly been shown to increase the risk of divorce for offspring, but research on the influence of other social ties is scarce. This study examines the association of divorce between siblings and whether such an association varies under specific sibship characteristics. Hypotheses were tested using event history models on five complete Dutch birth cohorts (1970–1974), derived from register data. Married individuals (N = 64677) and their sibling were followed from 2000 up to 2012. Results show that individuals with a divorced sibling had a higher risk of divorce even after correcting for a number of shared background factors, including parental divorce. The divorce of a younger sibling had a weaker association with an individual’s divorce risk than the divorce of an older sibling, and the effect of sibling divorce weakened over time.
Many theories on so-called neighbourhood effects – effects of the residential context on individual outcomes such as employment, education, and health – implicitly, or explicitly suggest lagged effects, duration effects, or for example, intergenerational effects of neighbourhoods. However, these temporal dimensions of neighbourhood effects receive only limited attention in the empirical literature, largely because of a lack of suitable data. The increasing availability of geo-coded, longitudinal, individual-level data now leads to more research which takes these temporal dimensions and time effects into account. This paper argues that it is time for an overarching framework to better understand the temporal dimension of neighbourhood effects. We propose a conceptual model that uses the life course approach as a framework to integrate the various elements of time in current neighbourhood effects theories. The life course approach emboldens the study of full individual life course biographies over time, taking into consideration multiple parallel life careers (such as education, household, housing, work, and leisure) and their relative importance to individual outcomes. A large advantage of the life course approach to neighbourhood effects is that it does not only allow us to incorporate residential neighbourhoods into individual biographies, but also allows us to study the effects of (and interactions with) other social and spatial contexts on individual outcomes.
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Many theories on so-called neighbourhood effects – effects of the residential context on individual outcomes such as employment, education, and health – implicitly, or explicitly suggest lagged effects, duration effects, or for example, intergenerational effects of neighbourhoods. However, these temporal dimensions of neighbourhood effects receive only limited attention in the empirical literature, largely because of a lack of suitable data. The increasing availability of geo-coded, longitudinal, individual-level data now leads to more research which takes these temporal dimensions and time effects into account. This paper argues that it is time for an overarching framework to better understand the temporal dimension of neighbourhood effects. We propose a conceptual model that uses the life course approach as a framework to integrate the various elements of time in current neighbourhood effects theories. The life course approach emboldens the study of full individual life course biographies over time, taking into consideration multiple parallel life careers (such as education, household, housing, work, and leisure) and their relative importance to individual outcomes. A large advantage of the life course approach to neighbourhood effects is that it does not only allow us to incorporate residential neighbourhoods into individual biographies, but also allows us to study the effects of (and interactions with) other social and spatial contexts on individual outcomes.
Income inequality is increasing in European cities and this rising inequality has a spatial footprint in cities and neighbourhoods. Poor and rich people are increasingly living separated and this can threaten the social sustainability of cities. Low income people, often with an ethnic minority background, can get cut off from important social networks and mainstream society, and this can lead to social unrest. Increasing inequality and socio-economic segregation is therefore a major concern for local and national governments. Socio-economic segregation is the outcome of a combination of inequality and poverty, and the spatial organisation of urban housing markets. Poverty, and living in poverty concentration neighbourhoods is transmitted between generations and neighbourhood poverty is reproduced over time through to the residential mobility behaviour of households. Urban policy often focusses on reducing segregation through physical measures in cities, such as demolishing houses in deprived neighbourhoods and replacing them with housing for the middle classes. Such policies will not solve the underlying causes of segregation, but only redistribute poverty over cities. Policy initiatives should first of all focus on reducing inequality by creating equal opportunities for people and invest in education and training. Inclusive growth strategies should combine both people-based and area-based policy measures.
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Income inequality is increasing in European cities and this rising inequality has a spatial footprint in cities and neighbourhoods. Poor and rich people are increasingly living separated and this can threaten the social sustainability of cities. Low income people, often with an ethnic minority background, can get cut off from important social networks and mainstream society, and this can lead to social unrest. Increasing inequality and socio-economic segregation is therefore a major concern for local and national governments. Socio-economic segregation is the outcome of a combination of inequality and poverty, and the spatial organisation of urban housing markets. Poverty, and living in poverty concentration neighbourhoods is transmitted between generations and neighbourhood poverty is reproduced over time through to the residential mobility behaviour of households. Urban policy often focusses on reducing segregation through physical measures in cities, such as demolishing houses in deprived neighbourhoods and replacing them with housing for the middle classes. Such policies will not solve the underlying causes of segregation, but only redistribute poverty over cities. Policy initiatives should first of all focus on reducing inequality by creating equal opportunities for people and invest in education and training. Inclusive growth strategies should combine both people-based and area-based policy measures.