Barcelona is one of the leading metropolitan cities in Europe well-known for its history, culture vibrancy, architecture and progressive modern developments. Its dynamic role on both the national and international stage is driven by several factors, including its historical development, tourism industry, and a position as 8th in all of Europe and the 1st in southern Europe technological city of the future.

Starting from the beginning of 21st century, these forces shaped the city’s socio-economic landscape, bringing significant changes to its urban fabric. Due to them Barcelona shows economic growth and gains global recognition, however it also faces deepening social and spatial inequalities that threaten the city's long-term sustainability and social cohesion.
The rise of the tourism sector, with more than 15 million of visitors per year (Observatori del Turisme a Barcelona, 2023) and only 1.7 million of citizens (Barcelona City Council, 2024), together with initiatives like the 22@ Innovation District (ID), designed to transform post-industrial areas into hubs for technology and knowledge-based industries, has placed pressure on housing markets, driving up property prices, displacing long-standing residents and creating a divide between newly gentrified areas and other, more vulnerable neighborhoods.
These developments have contributed to a growing phenomenon of gentrification and segregation across the city, but perhaps no district exemplifies these tensions more than Sant Martí, and attached to it two neighborhoods La Mina and La Catalana in Sant Adrià de Besòs city.

Once an industrial zone with a working-class population, Sant Martí undergone a rapid urban transformation, driven by the same forces that reshape the rest of the city. Urban regeneration projects and location of 22@ ID, have facilitated gentrification and increased economic disparities within the district. Together with several spatial conditions like inactive post-industrial zone and lack of urban continuity it also created a social and spatial segregation.
The aim of this thesis is to propose urban design strategies that foster inclusive development and long-term spatial cohesion.

The resulting masterplan introduces a framework for densification that doubles the area’s built capacity while ensuring housing affordability and social diversity. The strategy includes creating a hierarchy of public spaces that foster interaction; introducing gradual, participatory demolition and redevelopment tactics to minimize displacement; and designing mixed-use building typologies that accommodate both existing and future residents.
Design interventions include reconnecting disjointed street grids, enhancing walkability and public transit, and establishing a clear hierarchy of public spaces that promote cross-neighborhood interaction. The proposal doubles the area's residential capacity—from 8000 to 16,000 flats—and population, from 23,000 to 46,000 people, by increasing the land cover density.

Rather than treating design as a neutral or aesthetic gesture, the project positions it as a political and social tool—a way to mediate between past neglect and future potential. The proposed urban fabric stitches together a fragmented territory through strategic continuity, landscape integration, and community infrastructure. It offers an alternative to top-down redevelopment models by proposing a phased, adaptable, and inclusive vision for growth. In doing so, the thesis reframes urban design not just as a response to physical conditions, but as a proactive mechanism for social repair and collective future-making.

Cities are responsible for a great amount of CO2 emissions related to transportation (CBS). However, the greatest amount of CO2 is caused by private transport and is mainly associated with peri-urban (the peri-urban area is a common place to live for the natural environment and also near accessibility to city facilities) and rural areas due to the lack of public transport, proximities to Services of General Interest (SGI) and access to jobs. This problem is especially evident in the cross-border regions.
When zooming in on North-West Europe, more specific issues around transport, mobility and battling CO2 arise. The European railway network, which spreads across national borders, is a patchwork filled with gaps around those national borders. Considering that a large share of the European Union’s territory consists of border regions and includes more than one-third of the EU’s population, this fact is rather alarming (European Mobility Atlas, 2021). The spatial vision and strategy presented in this report will focus on the challenge of carbon emissions caused by the transport and mobility sector with a focus on cross-border and last-mile connectivity of peri-urban areas.
The region of Maas-Rijn is used as a case study. This project explores how the region can become a place where what is not in your direct vicinity, is still within reach in the next 30 years. In saying this, the project is not only referring to physical proximity to amenities, services and (infra)structures but also to the possibility of accessing job opportunities, education, social networks, communities and other intangible resources.
Based on our analysis, the relevant trends and values are identified for a region covering three different scales: Local scale within national borders, Cross-border scale, and Multi-nation/ European scale. Key findings emphasize the role of enhancement of short-distance transport trips, the reduction of motorized vehicle use of any kind by promoting development aimed at close proximity to physical and intangible resources and promoting the use of active/ non-motorized modes of transport of any kind. More medium and long-distance/ not daily movements will be replaced by the use of sustainable alternatives, such as EVs, optimized public transport networks and smart sharing systems.