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E.M. Leclercq
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In Circular Communities, pioneering, collectively supported initiatives that are aimed at closing resource cycles at neighbourhood level take a central position. They are all examples of initiatives that contribute to the transition to a circular economy. For the analysis of these different circular initiatives, the researchers – urban designer Els Leclercq and architect Mo Smit - developed a unique method: the Circular Value Flower method. This method helps to organize the collective closing of resource cycles (bio and tech materials, energy, water and nutrients) on a neighbourhood scale and provides insight into the added value (social, ecological, aesthetic, cultural and economic) that can be realized within the built environment. Circular Communities offers inspiration and lessons for integral sustainable interventions at the scale of the neighbourhood and ties in with the new Dutch Environmental Planning Act, which explicitly offers room for citizen initiatives and local commissioning in the Netherlands.
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In Circular Communities, pioneering, collectively supported initiatives that are aimed at closing resource cycles at neighbourhood level take a central position. They are all examples of initiatives that contribute to the transition to a circular economy. For the analysis of these different circular initiatives, the researchers – urban designer Els Leclercq and architect Mo Smit - developed a unique method: the Circular Value Flower method. This method helps to organize the collective closing of resource cycles (bio and tech materials, energy, water and nutrients) on a neighbourhood scale and provides insight into the added value (social, ecological, aesthetic, cultural and economic) that can be realized within the built environment. Circular Communities offers inspiration and lessons for integral sustainable interventions at the scale of the neighbourhood and ties in with the new Dutch Environmental Planning Act, which explicitly offers room for citizen initiatives and local commissioning in the Netherlands.
In response to increasingly deterministic and all-encompassing implementation of smart city technologies, scholars and activists plea for policies and initiatives to support citizens’ democratic ‘Right to the Smart City.’ Although it is common for government officials and technology companies to make an effort to support citizen participation in smart city development, the question is how this works in practice. The authors engaged in a series of three participatory action research projects with the aim to support citizens’ ‘Right to the Smart City’ through the development and use of digital platforms. We find that, although (the processes of co-creatively developing) these platforms do actively address citizens’ engagement, empowerment and emancipation in smart city development, their contribution to provide participants with the opportunity to actually and sustainably reframe, reimagine and remake the smart city in a way that benefits them and their communities, is fairly limited. We conclude that time and budget constraints, entrenched technocratic beliefs, as well as vested – traditional – and imbalanced power relationships and divergent views, concerns and objectives prohibit citizens’ ‘Right to the Smart City.’ Hence, our plea for ‘Governance Beyond Participation:’ city making processes that do not perceive citizens as participants or clients, but as valued and trustworthy collaborators in the development and the governance of public space.
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In response to increasingly deterministic and all-encompassing implementation of smart city technologies, scholars and activists plea for policies and initiatives to support citizens’ democratic ‘Right to the Smart City.’ Although it is common for government officials and technology companies to make an effort to support citizen participation in smart city development, the question is how this works in practice. The authors engaged in a series of three participatory action research projects with the aim to support citizens’ ‘Right to the Smart City’ through the development and use of digital platforms. We find that, although (the processes of co-creatively developing) these platforms do actively address citizens’ engagement, empowerment and emancipation in smart city development, their contribution to provide participants with the opportunity to actually and sustainably reframe, reimagine and remake the smart city in a way that benefits them and their communities, is fairly limited. We conclude that time and budget constraints, entrenched technocratic beliefs, as well as vested – traditional – and imbalanced power relationships and divergent views, concerns and objectives prohibit citizens’ ‘Right to the Smart City.’ Hence, our plea for ‘Governance Beyond Participation:’ city making processes that do not perceive citizens as participants or clients, but as valued and trustworthy collaborators in the development and the governance of public space.
Book
(2022)
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Emiel A. Rijshouwer, Vivien Butot, Linda Al-Hassany, E.M. Leclercq, Jeanine Roeters van Lennep, Antoinette Maassen-Van den Brink
Dit boekje is verslag van het CHANGE! (Conscious Health dAta shariNg in movinG RottErdam!) project dat is uitgevoerd in 2021-22 in het kader van een Open Mind subsidie van het Convergence programma dat ten doel heeft samenwerking tussen TU Delft, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en Erasmus Medisch Centrum te bespoedigen. Het stimuleert allianties van onderzoekers van de verschillende universiteiten om in samenwerking met publieke en private partners innovatieve bijdragen te leveren aan urgente en complexe maatschappelijke uitdagingen, zoals klimaatverandering, duurzaamheid, gezondheidszorg, verstedelijking en digitalisering.
Dit (kleine, verkennende) interdisciplinaire project, uitgevoerd binnen het Health & Technology programma, betreft een onderzoek naar hoe een publieke datadonatiepraktijk ten behoeve van gezondheid en welzijn eruit zou kunnen zien. Het is een ultiem Convergence-project, omdat het grensoverschrijdend is voor elk van de participerende instituten en kennisdomeinen en expertise van het team. Binnen CHANGE! zijn onder andere de medische, ethische, sociaal-maatschappelijke, politieke en ruimtelijke (en niet strikt de technische) aspecten van het verzamelen en werken met gezondheidsdata verkend.
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Dit boekje is verslag van het CHANGE! (Conscious Health dAta shariNg in movinG RottErdam!) project dat is uitgevoerd in 2021-22 in het kader van een Open Mind subsidie van het Convergence programma dat ten doel heeft samenwerking tussen TU Delft, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en Erasmus Medisch Centrum te bespoedigen. Het stimuleert allianties van onderzoekers van de verschillende universiteiten om in samenwerking met publieke en private partners innovatieve bijdragen te leveren aan urgente en complexe maatschappelijke uitdagingen, zoals klimaatverandering, duurzaamheid, gezondheidszorg, verstedelijking en digitalisering.
Dit (kleine, verkennende) interdisciplinaire project, uitgevoerd binnen het Health & Technology programma, betreft een onderzoek naar hoe een publieke datadonatiepraktijk ten behoeve van gezondheid en welzijn eruit zou kunnen zien. Het is een ultiem Convergence-project, omdat het grensoverschrijdend is voor elk van de participerende instituten en kennisdomeinen en expertise van het team. Binnen CHANGE! zijn onder andere de medische, ethische, sociaal-maatschappelijke, politieke en ruimtelijke (en niet strikt de technische) aspecten van het verzamelen en werken met gezondheidsdata verkend.
Public views of the smart city
Towards the construction of a social problem
Digitization and datafication of public space have a significant impact on how cities are developed, governed, perceived and used. As technological developments are based upon political decisions, which impact people’s everyday lives, and from which not everyone benefits or suffers equally, we argue that ‘the smart city’ should be part of continuous public debate; that it should be considered and treated as a social problem. Through nine focus groups, we invited respondents to explore and discuss instances and dilemmas of the smart city. We investigated which interpretative repertoires they used to frame the smart city as a social and actionable problem. Following Blumer's and Gamson's theories on the social construction of problems and on collective action frames, we assessed respondents’ discursive interpretations and their subjective construction of their senses of injustice, agency and identity regarding this subject. We find that – in the context of the city of Rotterdam in The Netherlands – citizens do not experience and consider the smart city as a social and actionable problem. Although they do associate the technological development of smart cities with potential threats, this does not change or constrain their sense of ‘actionability’, nor their behaviour, as they consider themselves to be powerless individuals regarding what, in their eyes, is a complex, elusive and inevitable situation they are confronted with. Strikingly, rather than specifically and contextually reflecting on smart city issues, respondents tended to express their concerns in the more general context of digital and data technologies invading everyday life.
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Digitization and datafication of public space have a significant impact on how cities are developed, governed, perceived and used. As technological developments are based upon political decisions, which impact people’s everyday lives, and from which not everyone benefits or suffers equally, we argue that ‘the smart city’ should be part of continuous public debate; that it should be considered and treated as a social problem. Through nine focus groups, we invited respondents to explore and discuss instances and dilemmas of the smart city. We investigated which interpretative repertoires they used to frame the smart city as a social and actionable problem. Following Blumer's and Gamson's theories on the social construction of problems and on collective action frames, we assessed respondents’ discursive interpretations and their subjective construction of their senses of injustice, agency and identity regarding this subject. We find that – in the context of the city of Rotterdam in The Netherlands – citizens do not experience and consider the smart city as a social and actionable problem. Although they do associate the technological development of smart cities with potential threats, this does not change or constrain their sense of ‘actionability’, nor their behaviour, as they consider themselves to be powerless individuals regarding what, in their eyes, is a complex, elusive and inevitable situation they are confronted with. Strikingly, rather than specifically and contextually reflecting on smart city issues, respondents tended to express their concerns in the more general context of digital and data technologies invading everyday life.
Waardevolle wijken
Het creëren van waarde in wijken door het gezamenlijk sluiten van grondstofkringlopen
De circulaire transitie wordt vaak gepresenteerd als uitsluitend een technologische opgave, maar deze raakt tegelijkertijd aan sociale, organisatorische en institutionele vraagstukken, die veel vragen oproepen over ontwerpprocessen, benodigde kennis en kunde, verantwoordelijkheid en taakverdeling. Het sluiten van de verschillende grondstofkringlopen op lokaal niveau heeft de potentie om veel waarde toe te voegen aan de gebouwde omgeving, maar valt of staat met een systemische aanpak, dat wil zeggen dat oplossingen in samenhang worden benaderd en meegenomen zoals binnen een natuurlijk eco-systeem. Alleen dan kan de beoogde transitie plaatsvinden. Er wordt hierbij uitgegaan van burgers die zelf kennis hebben of kunnen ontwikkelen om hun eigen handelen te beïnvloeden, en dus zo hun handelingsperspectieven kunnen aanpassen. Bovendien vraagt een dergelijke ingrijpende transitie tevens om een andere organisatie van de bijbehorende ontwerp- en ontwikkelprocessen. Naast wet- en regelgeving op (inter)nationaal niveau zullen lokale, collectieve organisatievormen, waarbij een grotere en actievere rol is weggelegd voor burgers en ondernemers, onontbeerlijk zijn. De nieuwe Omgevingswet (die in 2022 waarschijnlijk intreedt) biedt hier ruimte aan.
De centrale vraag van dit onderzoek naar Waardevolle Wijken is dan ook hoe gemeenschappen door het zo lokaal mogelijk sluiten van grondstofkringlopen meerwaarde kunnen creëren in hun wijk. Het sluiten van de grondstofkringlopen vormt dus het startpunt van het onderzoek, maar hiernaast worden de betrokken actoren, hun ambities en de impact op de fysieke leefruimte meegenomen in de analyse. Voor deze onderzoeksthema’s is binnen dit onderzoek de Waardebloemmethode ontwikkeld, aan de hand waarvan zes circulaire gebiedsinitiatieven worden onderzocht.
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De circulaire transitie wordt vaak gepresenteerd als uitsluitend een technologische opgave, maar deze raakt tegelijkertijd aan sociale, organisatorische en institutionele vraagstukken, die veel vragen oproepen over ontwerpprocessen, benodigde kennis en kunde, verantwoordelijkheid en taakverdeling. Het sluiten van de verschillende grondstofkringlopen op lokaal niveau heeft de potentie om veel waarde toe te voegen aan de gebouwde omgeving, maar valt of staat met een systemische aanpak, dat wil zeggen dat oplossingen in samenhang worden benaderd en meegenomen zoals binnen een natuurlijk eco-systeem. Alleen dan kan de beoogde transitie plaatsvinden. Er wordt hierbij uitgegaan van burgers die zelf kennis hebben of kunnen ontwikkelen om hun eigen handelen te beïnvloeden, en dus zo hun handelingsperspectieven kunnen aanpassen. Bovendien vraagt een dergelijke ingrijpende transitie tevens om een andere organisatie van de bijbehorende ontwerp- en ontwikkelprocessen. Naast wet- en regelgeving op (inter)nationaal niveau zullen lokale, collectieve organisatievormen, waarbij een grotere en actievere rol is weggelegd voor burgers en ondernemers, onontbeerlijk zijn. De nieuwe Omgevingswet (die in 2022 waarschijnlijk intreedt) biedt hier ruimte aan.
De centrale vraag van dit onderzoek naar Waardevolle Wijken is dan ook hoe gemeenschappen door het zo lokaal mogelijk sluiten van grondstofkringlopen meerwaarde kunnen creëren in hun wijk. Het sluiten van de grondstofkringlopen vormt dus het startpunt van het onderzoek, maar hiernaast worden de betrokken actoren, hun ambities en de impact op de fysieke leefruimte meegenomen in de analyse. Voor deze onderzoeksthema’s is binnen dit onderzoek de Waardebloemmethode ontwikkeld, aan de hand waarvan zes circulaire gebiedsinitiatieven worden onderzocht.
Public space privatisation
Are users concerned?
Academics have decried the erosion of public space under the neoliberal practices that have taken root since the 1980s in cities around the world. However, it is unclear whether users are concerned about the ownership of the urban spaces they use. To find out, this study surveyed users and observed their behaviour in three types of public spaces in Liverpool, UK: one entirely private development, one public-private partnership, and one urban renewal project taken over by a grassroots organization. The findings indicate that users appreciate privatised areas for the pleasant, clean, and safe environment they offer, as well as for the socialising opportunities. At the same time, privatised spaces send subtle signals to users that certain activities, people, or behaviours are not tolerated or encouraged. To reinforce the democratic essence of public space, values of appropriation should be safeguarded in all types of urban spaces, including privately produced ones.
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Academics have decried the erosion of public space under the neoliberal practices that have taken root since the 1980s in cities around the world. However, it is unclear whether users are concerned about the ownership of the urban spaces they use. To find out, this study surveyed users and observed their behaviour in three types of public spaces in Liverpool, UK: one entirely private development, one public-private partnership, and one urban renewal project taken over by a grassroots organization. The findings indicate that users appreciate privatised areas for the pleasant, clean, and safe environment they offer, as well as for the socialising opportunities. At the same time, privatised spaces send subtle signals to users that certain activities, people, or behaviours are not tolerated or encouraged. To reinforce the democratic essence of public space, values of appropriation should be safeguarded in all types of urban spaces, including privately produced ones.
Circularity aims to make waste obsolete by both closing and narrowing resource loops and by extending the lifespan of materials and products. This fundamentally different approach to construction practices necessitates a completely different method of organising the construction process. The rounds of decision-making undertaken by different actors at particular moments in the construction process have a significant role to play in this regard. Consequently, this research aims to analyse current circular practices for both the multi-actor environment and the decision-making process. An analytical framework is developed based on the theoretically-informed assumption that actors are responsible for decision-making and that circular strategies are an effective means through which to integrate circularity within the construction process. This analytical framework is applied to three circular building cases in the Netherlands, by drawing upon stakeholder interviews and documentation. It can be concluded that: some conventional actors have acquired knowledge on circularity; and that there is an emergent group of expert actors specialising in circularity. Both types of actors are a prerequisite for implementing circular strategies at both the beginning and end-of-life phase of a building; and should be involved early on to influence decision-making on circularity, especially concerning the long-lived layers of a building.
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Circularity aims to make waste obsolete by both closing and narrowing resource loops and by extending the lifespan of materials and products. This fundamentally different approach to construction practices necessitates a completely different method of organising the construction process. The rounds of decision-making undertaken by different actors at particular moments in the construction process have a significant role to play in this regard. Consequently, this research aims to analyse current circular practices for both the multi-actor environment and the decision-making process. An analytical framework is developed based on the theoretically-informed assumption that actors are responsible for decision-making and that circular strategies are an effective means through which to integrate circularity within the construction process. This analytical framework is applied to three circular building cases in the Netherlands, by drawing upon stakeholder interviews and documentation. It can be concluded that: some conventional actors have acquired knowledge on circularity; and that there is an emergent group of expert actors specialising in circularity. Both types of actors are a prerequisite for implementing circular strategies at both the beginning and end-of-life phase of a building; and should be involved early on to influence decision-making on circularity, especially concerning the long-lived layers of a building.
Evaluatie participatietraject DemoS
Strandeiland 2018-2020
Report
(2021)
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E.M. Leclercq, Linda Vosjan, Jolanda Kirpensteijn , Martijn Kruijf
Dit rapport vormt de evaluatie van het participatieplan Strandeiland, dat is ontwikkeld naar aanleiding van het initiatief DemoS – democratisch Strandeiland – dat in oktober 2018 is gestart op initiatief van Stichting Natuurlijk IJburg. Stichting Natuurlijk IJburg ijvert voor voor een groen, sociaal en duurzaam IJburg. Tegelijkertijd was het projectteam Strandeiland op zoek naar een grotere burgerbetrokkenheid in het participatietraject voor het nieuwe eiland. Samen met het projectteam Strandeiland en CTO is op basis van deze initiatieven het Participatieplan ontwikkeld dat eind 2019 officieel van start ging. Het participatieteam (bestaande uit ambtenaren en bewoners aangevuld met een onderzoeker van TU Delft/AMS institute) heeft twee jaar gedraaid, waarbij in het eerste jaar (2018-2019) gezocht is naar een organisatievorm waarin alle betrokkenen zich konden vinden. Afspraken hierover zijn vastgelegd in het Participatieplan (2019). Het tweede jaar (2019-2020) heeft het participatieteam, met hierin drie ambtenaren en drie bewoners van IJburg, gewerkt aan het samenbrengen van een gemeenschap van betrokken IJburgers en anderen rondom de ontwikkeling van Strandeiland.
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Dit rapport vormt de evaluatie van het participatieplan Strandeiland, dat is ontwikkeld naar aanleiding van het initiatief DemoS – democratisch Strandeiland – dat in oktober 2018 is gestart op initiatief van Stichting Natuurlijk IJburg. Stichting Natuurlijk IJburg ijvert voor voor een groen, sociaal en duurzaam IJburg. Tegelijkertijd was het projectteam Strandeiland op zoek naar een grotere burgerbetrokkenheid in het participatietraject voor het nieuwe eiland. Samen met het projectteam Strandeiland en CTO is op basis van deze initiatieven het Participatieplan ontwikkeld dat eind 2019 officieel van start ging. Het participatieteam (bestaande uit ambtenaren en bewoners aangevuld met een onderzoeker van TU Delft/AMS institute) heeft twee jaar gedraaid, waarbij in het eerste jaar (2018-2019) gezocht is naar een organisatievorm waarin alle betrokkenen zich konden vinden. Afspraken hierover zijn vastgelegd in het Participatieplan (2019). Het tweede jaar (2019-2020) heeft het participatieteam, met hierin drie ambtenaren en drie bewoners van IJburg, gewerkt aan het samenbrengen van een gemeenschap van betrokken IJburgers en anderen rondom de ontwikkeling van Strandeiland.
Uit verschillende onderzoeken blijkt dat de architect een belangrijke rol vervult bij de totstandkoming van circulaire bouwprojecten. Tijdens de ontwerpfase worden immers keuzes gemaakt die het wel of niet circulair zijn van een bouwproject grotendeels bepalen (Galle et al,2018; Osmani et al, 2008). Toch heeft de helft van de architectenbureaus nog nooit een circulair project uitgevoerd. De belangrijkste reden hiervoor is dat opdrachtgevers er simpelweg niet naar vragen. Eén van de belangrijkste knelpunten bij de uitvoering of inschrijving van een circulair project is het ontbreken van een duidelijke definitie van circulair ontwerpen en bouwen (BNA Verdiepingsonderzoek, 2019).
Dit canvas helpt architectenbureaus om opdrachtgevers te verleiden en te overtuigen van het nut en de noodzaak van circulair bouwen.
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Uit verschillende onderzoeken blijkt dat de architect een belangrijke rol vervult bij de totstandkoming van circulaire bouwprojecten. Tijdens de ontwerpfase worden immers keuzes gemaakt die het wel of niet circulair zijn van een bouwproject grotendeels bepalen (Galle et al,2018; Osmani et al, 2008). Toch heeft de helft van de architectenbureaus nog nooit een circulair project uitgevoerd. De belangrijkste reden hiervoor is dat opdrachtgevers er simpelweg niet naar vragen. Eén van de belangrijkste knelpunten bij de uitvoering of inschrijving van een circulair project is het ontbreken van een duidelijke definitie van circulair ontwerpen en bouwen (BNA Verdiepingsonderzoek, 2019).
Dit canvas helpt architectenbureaus om opdrachtgevers te verleiden en te overtuigen van het nut en de noodzaak van circulair bouwen.
In the last four decades, public space production has shifted from being predominantly led by the public sector to include a greater variety of private actors, large and small, for-profit and non-profit. This study, set in Liverpool, England, analyses and compares three variations of the privatization of public space production: entirely private development; public private partnership (PPP); and community-led development. The purpose is to determine whether, why, and by how much ‘publicness’ has declined in the production of urban spaces. While most planning literature has tended to demonize privatization, this study reveals that processes which tend to be collaborative and involve multiple public and private stakeholders have a higher degree of ‘publicness’ compared to both entirely privately-led and entirely publicly-led processes.
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In the last four decades, public space production has shifted from being predominantly led by the public sector to include a greater variety of private actors, large and small, for-profit and non-profit. This study, set in Liverpool, England, analyses and compares three variations of the privatization of public space production: entirely private development; public private partnership (PPP); and community-led development. The purpose is to determine whether, why, and by how much ‘publicness’ has declined in the production of urban spaces. While most planning literature has tended to demonize privatization, this study reveals that processes which tend to be collaborative and involve multiple public and private stakeholders have a higher degree of ‘publicness’ compared to both entirely privately-led and entirely publicly-led processes.
Implementation of circularity in the building process
A case study research into organizing the actor network and decision-making process
Circularity aims to reduce waste by closing and narrowing resource loops and by extending the lifetime of materials and products. As a consequence of this fundamentally different approach to construction practices, implementation entails a different organization of the building process. The purpose of this research is to make recommendations with respect to the actor network and the decision-making process to facilitate implementation of circularity in construction practices. First, a theoretical framework is developed to structure and prioritize decision-making to implement circularity based on resource and value strategies. Second, this framework is applied to three circular building cases in the Netherlands, relying on stakeholder interviews and documentation. These cases include a renovation project, a newly built project, and a transformation project. Third, analysis of the case study data demonstrates the actor network and decision-making process including the following aspects: Actors, resources, relations, positions, influence, and decision rounds. It can be concluded that: i) some conventional actors have acquired knowledge on circularity; and ii) expert actors emerged who have specialized in circularity. Both types of actors are a prerequisite iii) to implement circular strategies for the beginning and end phase of the building's lifetime; and iv) should be involved early on (in the design-making processes) to influence decision-making on circularity, especially concerning the long-lived layers of a building.
...
Circularity aims to reduce waste by closing and narrowing resource loops and by extending the lifetime of materials and products. As a consequence of this fundamentally different approach to construction practices, implementation entails a different organization of the building process. The purpose of this research is to make recommendations with respect to the actor network and the decision-making process to facilitate implementation of circularity in construction practices. First, a theoretical framework is developed to structure and prioritize decision-making to implement circularity based on resource and value strategies. Second, this framework is applied to three circular building cases in the Netherlands, relying on stakeholder interviews and documentation. These cases include a renovation project, a newly built project, and a transformation project. Third, analysis of the case study data demonstrates the actor network and decision-making process including the following aspects: Actors, resources, relations, positions, influence, and decision rounds. It can be concluded that: i) some conventional actors have acquired knowledge on circularity; and ii) expert actors emerged who have specialized in circularity. Both types of actors are a prerequisite iii) to implement circular strategies for the beginning and end phase of the building's lifetime; and iv) should be involved early on (in the design-making processes) to influence decision-making on circularity, especially concerning the long-lived layers of a building.
Jouw buurt, jouw data
Uitkomsten van de onderzoeksgame over kennis, houding en gedrag van burgers in de slimme stad
Report
(2019)
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Liesbet van Zoonen, Emiel Rijshouwer, Els Leclercq, Luuk Schokker, Fadi Hirzalla, Sarah Giest
Vanaf oktober 2018 onderzocht een team van het Leiden-Delft-Erasmus Centre for BOLD Cities een jaar lang wat verschillende Nederlanders weten en vinden van de manieren waarop gegevens worden verzameld in de openbare ruimte. Het onderzoek werd opgezet in de vorm van een interactieve online game, ‘Jouw buurt, jouw data’, die mensen zowel thuis als op verschillende evenementen konden spelen. De uitkomsten van het onderzoeksproject zijn te lezen in deze uitgave.
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Vanaf oktober 2018 onderzocht een team van het Leiden-Delft-Erasmus Centre for BOLD Cities een jaar lang wat verschillende Nederlanders weten en vinden van de manieren waarop gegevens worden verzameld in de openbare ruimte. Het onderzoek werd opgezet in de vorm van een interactieve online game, ‘Jouw buurt, jouw data’, die mensen zowel thuis als op verschillende evenementen konden spelen. De uitkomsten van het onderzoeksproject zijn te lezen in deze uitgave.
Maar hoe dan?!
Een evaluatie van circulaire projecten bij (semi)publieke opdrachtgevers
Het Opdrachtgeversforum in de bouw – een platform van (semi)publieke opdrachtgevers – onderschrijft de ambities van het kabinet om Nederland in 2050 circulair te laten zijn, om zo de uitputting van grondstoffen en de uitstoot van CO2 tegen te gaan. Het Rijksbrede programma ‘Nederland circulair in 2050’ richt zich op de ontwikkeling naar een circulaire economie. Deze ambitie houdt in dat technische kringlopen gesloten moeten zijn: primaire grondstoffen (mineralen, fossielen en metalen), bouwproducten en -elementen krijgen steeds een nieuw leven in deze kringloop en uitsluitend hernieuwbare (biobased) grondstoffen kunnen als primaire grondstof worden gebruikt.
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Het Opdrachtgeversforum in de bouw – een platform van (semi)publieke opdrachtgevers – onderschrijft de ambities van het kabinet om Nederland in 2050 circulair te laten zijn, om zo de uitputting van grondstoffen en de uitstoot van CO2 tegen te gaan. Het Rijksbrede programma ‘Nederland circulair in 2050’ richt zich op de ontwikkeling naar een circulaire economie. Deze ambitie houdt in dat technische kringlopen gesloten moeten zijn: primaire grondstoffen (mineralen, fossielen en metalen), bouwproducten en -elementen krijgen steeds een nieuw leven in deze kringloop en uitsluitend hernieuwbare (biobased) grondstoffen kunnen als primaire grondstof worden gebruikt.
From the 1960s to the 1970s, a large number of Western inner cities went through a phase of severe deprivation due to both a relocation of manufacturing jobs that in turn led to a depopulation, a lack of investment and high unemployment and to suburbanisation made possible by the car. From the 1990’s, urban regeneration strategies were introduced to tackle this inner city deprivation. In the United Kingdom, this ‘urban renaissance’ took place within the new economic and political paradigm of neoliberalism which placed a strong emphasis on market forces as the driver of urban regeneration (see national policy document Urban Task Force 1999). The shift to this economic system led to changes in both the process of urban development and its product, the space itself. Local governments endorsed the new economic reality- which included a greater role for private and corporate actors in the development and management of cities - in order to be able to participate in the global inter-urban competition. As a result of declining public budgets and encouraged by national guidance, public authorities began to outsource tasks and responsibilities that had previously been regarded as a governmental concern to private actors and newly developed private public partnerships (urban regeneration vehicles in planning policy terminology). Public authorities themselves also adopted business-like styles of organisation in which productivity, effectivity and efficiency were regarded as the main conditions for serving the public’s financial interest, though other public values such as cultural heritage, equality and democracy were often regarded as of secondary concern. This privatisation of development in urban areas did not just affect the process but also the outcome; the appearance and use of public spaces. Within the urban renaissance agenda, a strong emphasis was put on the aesthetisation of space in order to attract the desired businesses, investors and people with a high disposable income. The objective in private management regimes appears to be on reducing risk by putting a strong focus on surveillance, safety, tidiness and the exclusion of undesirable behaviour, all of which reduces the diversity, vitality and vibrancy of spaces in order to welcome tourists and middle-class visitors, in other words consumers (Low 2006). This privatisation of public space raises valid questions with regard to the publicness of urban open space and a number of authors recognise a ‘decline’ of public space or have even declared ‘the end of public space’ as we have known it (Sorkin 1992; Mitchell 1995; Low and Smith 2006; Madanipour 2003; Iveson 2007 etc.). Other authors argue that we do not experience the death of public space but a change in its form, function and appearance that reflects contemporary economic, societal and cultural narratives (see eg Madden 2010; Carmona et al. 2008, Carmona 2015; De Magalhães and Freire Tigo 2017). To be able to incorporate these societal shifts, a revised (and wider) definition is needed to describe and analyse publicness in the production of space (Kohn 2004; De Magalhães 2010; Varna and Tiesdell 2010; Németh and Smith 2011; Langstraat and Van Melik 2013; Varna 2016).
The premises for this research are based on the above discussion on the different roles that privatisation plays in the production of space, within this shift towards greater involvement of a variety of private partners in the development process and the possible decline in the degree of publicness in both process and space. The apparent need for a wider definition of public space to include current political, economic and societal changes, the relation between the public sphere and public space, the degree of publicness in both the process and space itself, the perception of the user and the role of the urban designer are hereby taken as starting points and lead to the following research question:
Does privatisation lead to a decline of publicness in the production of space and space itself, and how does urban design play a role in this?
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From the 1960s to the 1970s, a large number of Western inner cities went through a phase of severe deprivation due to both a relocation of manufacturing jobs that in turn led to a depopulation, a lack of investment and high unemployment and to suburbanisation made possible by the car. From the 1990’s, urban regeneration strategies were introduced to tackle this inner city deprivation. In the United Kingdom, this ‘urban renaissance’ took place within the new economic and political paradigm of neoliberalism which placed a strong emphasis on market forces as the driver of urban regeneration (see national policy document Urban Task Force 1999). The shift to this economic system led to changes in both the process of urban development and its product, the space itself. Local governments endorsed the new economic reality- which included a greater role for private and corporate actors in the development and management of cities - in order to be able to participate in the global inter-urban competition. As a result of declining public budgets and encouraged by national guidance, public authorities began to outsource tasks and responsibilities that had previously been regarded as a governmental concern to private actors and newly developed private public partnerships (urban regeneration vehicles in planning policy terminology). Public authorities themselves also adopted business-like styles of organisation in which productivity, effectivity and efficiency were regarded as the main conditions for serving the public’s financial interest, though other public values such as cultural heritage, equality and democracy were often regarded as of secondary concern. This privatisation of development in urban areas did not just affect the process but also the outcome; the appearance and use of public spaces. Within the urban renaissance agenda, a strong emphasis was put on the aesthetisation of space in order to attract the desired businesses, investors and people with a high disposable income. The objective in private management regimes appears to be on reducing risk by putting a strong focus on surveillance, safety, tidiness and the exclusion of undesirable behaviour, all of which reduces the diversity, vitality and vibrancy of spaces in order to welcome tourists and middle-class visitors, in other words consumers (Low 2006). This privatisation of public space raises valid questions with regard to the publicness of urban open space and a number of authors recognise a ‘decline’ of public space or have even declared ‘the end of public space’ as we have known it (Sorkin 1992; Mitchell 1995; Low and Smith 2006; Madanipour 2003; Iveson 2007 etc.). Other authors argue that we do not experience the death of public space but a change in its form, function and appearance that reflects contemporary economic, societal and cultural narratives (see eg Madden 2010; Carmona et al. 2008, Carmona 2015; De Magalhães and Freire Tigo 2017). To be able to incorporate these societal shifts, a revised (and wider) definition is needed to describe and analyse publicness in the production of space (Kohn 2004; De Magalhães 2010; Varna and Tiesdell 2010; Németh and Smith 2011; Langstraat and Van Melik 2013; Varna 2016).
The premises for this research are based on the above discussion on the different roles that privatisation plays in the production of space, within this shift towards greater involvement of a variety of private partners in the development process and the possible decline in the degree of publicness in both process and space. The apparent need for a wider definition of public space to include current political, economic and societal changes, the relation between the public sphere and public space, the degree of publicness in both the process and space itself, the perception of the user and the role of the urban designer are hereby taken as starting points and lead to the following research question:
Does privatisation lead to a decline of publicness in the production of space and space itself, and how does urban design play a role in this?
Rechtvaardigheid is een abstract en daarom soms vaag begrip. Bovendien is het niet altijd even gemakkelijk toe te passen op concrete situaties. Het opzetten van een ruimtelijke bril biedt een interessant én relevant perspectief. Edward Soja geeft een eerste aanzet.
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Rechtvaardigheid is een abstract en daarom soms vaag begrip. Bovendien is het niet altijd even gemakkelijk toe te passen op concrete situaties. Het opzetten van een ruimtelijke bril biedt een interessant én relevant perspectief. Edward Soja geeft een eerste aanzet.