Public cultural real estate is a type of real estate that is publicly accessible that beholds a (mix of) cultural function(s) such as libraries and cultural centres. Besides their primary function, e.g. lending books in the case of a library, they can also have the objective to behold an additional social function. Multiple cases in the Netherlands have stated explicitly that they want to facilitate social encounters between individuals within their project. Social encounters can be characterised as a social added value and can have multiple positive benefits such as building social capital. Public real estate can be classified as a third place, possessing the necessary conditions to generate this social added value. However, a knowledge gap exists regarding how this objective can be effectively integrated into the development process.
This research investigates how the development process of public cultural real estate contributes to its social added value. To address this research, a comprehensive literature study was conducted, focusing on themes such as social added value, social encounters, and the development process. Additionally, empirical research was undertaken through two case studies involving project document analysis, semi-structured interviews, and expert interviews.
The main findings of this research are that the development process can contribute to the social added value in different ways, depending on the design of the development process and the different involvement of the actors. The development process consists of four phases. The first two phases of initiative and development, are the most influential and behold the potential to define the objective of social encounters as a social added value and the implementation within the project itself. The actor involvement in the development process can be structured in multiple ways. The contribution to the social added value is related to which extent actors are actively involved and from which moment on, and how actively steering they are on the objective of social encounters as a social added value.

In the current era of global warming and urbanisation, it has become imperative to change the urban rhythm. Our current mobility habits make human and nature unhappy and unhealthy. This problem is apparent in sub-urban neighbourhoods, that often experience low connectivity and low local vitality. The 15-minute city is a model that puts focus on vicinity in the city. In the 15-Minute city, all urban facilities needed to live, learn and thrive are within a 15-minute reach by foot or bicycle from home.
In my graduation project, I research how the neighbourhoods in the periphery of Rotterdam could be designed for slow traffic and local activity. I do this by implementing a certain concept, the 15-Minute City, in a multitude of environments, the peripheral neighbourhoods of Rotterdam, which results in an understanding of the stretch of the concept and the meaning for the city. Key themes are accessibility, density and diversity. Through scenario construction, two future 15-minute cities are explored, resulting in a design strategy for the future urban rhythm of peri-urban areas.

Public participation is often regarded as something of an obstacle in urban development. However, it can be beneficial for project developers and other initatiors of projects in urban development and can potentially lead to economic gain for the developer. To research if there is any economic gain in the eventual results of a project, and to what extent public participation has an impact on this, costs and value are the focus points of this research. Economic gain does not mean more profit, but decreased costs as well. More specific, one of the largest cost factors in project development are the costs that come with delay. Often, this delay is caused by opposition and litigation in the permit-application phase of a development. To research this, the following main question will be used: ‘’To what extent can project developers benefit economically from engaging public participation in complex urban development projects?’’ This research will take several financial factors into account: (1) primary costs of public participation, (2) secondary costs of public participation, (3) primary costs of legal processes and (4) secondary costs of legal procdures. The primary costs are the costs that are directly coming from an activity and the secondary costs are the costs that originate indirectly from these activities. To research this, two phases of case studies are used. The first phase of case studies is done to gain insight in the direct and indirect costs of public participation and legal processes, afore determining in the second round of case studies if public participation decreased the chances of (non)participants starting legal procedures or caused any other forms of delay. The first round of case studies is done through a financial analysis of multiple cases, the second round is one in-depth casestudy complimented by interviews with developers, legal advisors, and (non)participants themselves. A cross-analysis is done of the results to determine to what extent public participation helps to smoothen the process and decrease the chances of legal processes, and if so, how it financially contributed to the financial result of the project. The research is rounded off with practical recommendations for developers on how to include public participation in their development process to maximize the potential of public participation initatiated by developers.

The current market conditions in the retail sector are rapidly changing. This makes it hard for retail areas to conform to consumer needs. This is especially the case for challenged inner cities that are trying to cope with these changes for the physical demand of retail space. This constant market change and current state of retail areas desperately need a new approach that offers a solution. In this research a solution is sought by deploying placemaking. The aim of the research is to investigate possible factors that contribute to the overall success of a project aiming to deal with these everchanging retail areas. This results in the following research question: Which critical success factors of placemaking contribute to the success of a challenged inner city? The research shows that within the 37 factors that were analysed, a total of 14 were labelled as critical for successIn addition to these findings, the research is summarized in a final model that has been developed in order to implement the research findings in practice.

New York is currently going through a construction boom as developers try to take advantage of rising land values and rents caused by economic growth, resulting in a lack of affordable housing available to middle-income families. The current Mayor of New York, Bill de Blasio, has made it a priority to meet the demands and challenges of the housing crisis by incentivizing private development through various methods, such as changing zoning laws and cutting red tape for access to abandoned lands, as a way to inject steroids into the housing market (Kaysen, 2018). This has unfortunately caused issues such as gentrification and speculative development, which has led to the disenfranchisement of low-income inhabitants in the city (Kaysen, 2018). These policies have marginalized people by either forcing the poor to either live in the periphery of the city, or be crammed into social housing projects that were built more than half a century ago. This is worrisome due to the fact that these aged dwellings display a variety of health and safety issues that the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) is having a hard time managing. The low-income families which rely on these projects have a hard time paying the minimum rent to begin with, and when you couple this with unacceptable living conditions, you end up with the spatial manifestation of an increasing divide between the rich and poor which now defines New York City. What is more shocking is that when you look back in history, the social housing projects were originally seen as a solution to poverty and slumification, but they ended up just being vertical versions of the slums which they took place of (Ferré-Sadurní, 2018). In order to help these disenfranchised people living in the projects, there must be an effort in place to help increase their quality of life. In order to achieve this, the monofunctionality of their public space needs to be made more functionally diverse. This is because the lack of diversity in both social and programmatic elements results in low public activity, which in turn leads to crime and vandalism due to a lack of self-awareness which tends to not exist in places of high public activity (Jacobs, 1961). In addition to this, the problem of public space is exasperated by the design philosophy that was used to create the projects. Planners used the International Style, which was a popular urbanist theory during the time that the dwellings were created. By clearing the tenement slums that were defined by a spatial hierarchy created by the street grid of New York City, he accused the planners of intentionally destroying the rich hierarchy and variety that existed in the contextual public realm (Kunstler, 2004). He also argues that the high-rises of the projects themselves destroyed any sense of human scale, which in combination of his other concerns, eradicated the inhabitants connection to the public realm (Kunstler, 2004). By looking at these failures of the social housing projects, a transformational framework needs to be produced that acknowledges these issues of monofunctionality, scale, and safety. This framework should also act as a blueprint of rehabilitation for all NYCHA projects, including what needs and characteristics need to be created in order to activate a public space that increases the inhabitants quality of life. By providing a framework that brings the “soul” of public space in these projects back to life, the original intent of the projects - or the promise it made to the people who would live in them - can be met and achieved.

Urbanisation is a global trend that continues to occur as the percentage will rise up for 55% to 68% in 2050 (United Nations, 2018). This movement of society towards the urban environment is clearly evident in the Netherlands too, particularly in the country’s four major cities: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague. Due to its increasing growth, one-thirds of the total Dutch population is expected to be living in these four major cities in 2030 (CBS & PBL, 2016). Research, however, shows that the market currently takes up solely a quarter of the Dutch residential demands within the city centres (Verheul & Daamen, 2017). This generates the need for cities to further develop their urban areas and therefore large transformation areas must be addressed (Brink, 2017). Taking into account the potential of brownfield sites in the Netherlands, these areas deserve attention and priority in the short and medium-long term. However, there is not enough knowledge available on operational level to stimulate their redevelopments. Iconic projects are often deliberately proposed by municipalities for their catalytic function, as they can generate economic and socio-cultural spillovers and could stimulate area redevelpoments (Doucet 2010; Verheul, 2013). Research into the influence of iconic projects has been done for years already, however insights into the particular conditions that have these catalysing spillover effects on surrounding developments are lacking. As a result, this research aims to gain better understanding about what conditions of iconic projects could incentivise developers to (re)develop in brownfield areas. The conditions of iconic projects that could generate these incentivising spillovers have been explored by doing three in-depth holistic case studies. Therefore, both retrospective and prospective case studies have been conducted on brownfield areas in Rotterdam. A ‘one of best practice’ case study has been selected for the retrospective case study (Case I: Wilhelminaper) to better understand the catalysing effects of iconic projects by initially reflecting on an already successfully redeveloped brownfield area. As sources of error due to confounding bias are common in retrospective case studies, the findings have been compared with case study findings from a current brownfield redevelopment (Case II: Katendrecht). As no successes have yet been achieved, the prospective case study (Case III: Merwe-Vierhavens) declares possible confounding or biases of the retrospective case study and has in particularly been used to draw an advice for future and contemporary brownfield redevelopments. After conducting document studies on the brownfields redevelopments and semi-structured interviews with project developers and managers active in the case study areas, incentivising conditions could be identified. All pre-defined conditions of iconic projects have incentivised real estate developers and thus all pre-defined conditions contribute to catalysing surrounding developments. However, all to a certain degree. The functional and sociocultural characteristics of iconic projects are most important incentivising conditions for surrounding (re)developments. These are followed by the location and image of the iconic projects, that to a certain degree have incentivised (re)developments too. Least incentivising conditions of iconic projects are the development process, scale, fame of the architect and the physical characteristics of the iconic project. As the uniqueness and innovativeness of the iconic projects in the case studies have derived from the other conditions, these are not explicitly appointed an incentivising condition, which nevertheless does not mean that they could not incentivise (re)developments. The conclusions must however be nuanced. One should consider the fact that each brownfield has different interests as well as other concerns. As a consequence, the aforementioned conclusions can not be provided through a concrete list of preconditions necessary for iconic projects to successfully catalyse brownfield redevelopments.Regarding the renewal of Katendrecht, a note must be made with regard to the extent to which single iconic projects have catalysed surrounding (re)developments. Prior to the iconic developments, the municipality of Rotterdam, Woonstad Rotterdam and Proper Stok/Heijmans actually laid the foundation for these developments. Even in difficult and uncertain economic times, these parties have continued to the commitment to revitalise Katendrecht. This consequently enabled the development of iconic projects, which again catalysed further developments.Regarding the redevelopment of the Wilhelminapier, it must be noted that many government investments preceded and only later, private investments followed. As a consequence, it is clear that certain conditions of iconic projects indeed catalysed surrounding developments, however it is unsure it these projects would have been developed and thus functioned as catalysers too without the preceded public investments. These public investments, however, have been a very strategic move as they have started mutual reinforcement.In other words, the one project development functioned as a catalyst again for the next one. Actually all projects thus have had a catalysing effect on the surrounding developments in their own way. Insights in the conditions that contribute to incentivising real estate developers to develop, offer municipalities better perspective on design principles and governance models that could be strategically deployed when tackling brownfield redevelopments. Through finding the conditions that could incentivise developers, the first preliminary steps in the direction of meeting the short to medium-long term residential demand in urbanised areas can be set in stone.

Innovation districts are more and more seen as the answer of cities to the ever changing economy. They can as well be described as urban strategies for economic development and urban competitiveness. Around the world innovation districts pop up and seem to provide the perfect and required environment for an innovation ecosystem to which talent and businesses are attracted. Katz and Wagner define these districts as “geographic areas where leading-edge anchor institutions and companies cluster and connect with start- ups, business incubators and accelerators” (2014, p.1). In theory, the success of urban innovation districts relies on the balance of three types of assets: physical (buildings, parks, plazas), networking (events, workshops) and economical (start-ups, businesses, shops) assets (Katz and Wagner, 2014). Research shows that dense, inner-city locations combine a critical mass of human capital, vital physical conditions, the right amenities and different sorts of proximity for knowledge exchange that enable businesses to innovate and grow (Morrison, 2014).
It is in these districts that working, living and recreating fade off and that horizontal networking between a diversity of people is becoming increasingly important for innovation. Entrepreneurs and start-ups are considered economical assets in this respect and are crucial players in such districts as they tend to influence economic and job growth. Although they often lack the skills and experience, lack of finance, resources and means needed to do the job, they inhibit a great potential to drive and sustain innovation (Nguyen, 2016). To open up the benefits startups can provide, it is essential to understand how urban innovation districts can contribute to the development of startups. This research therefore focuses on the physical conditions innovation districts should provide and how these can facilitate and stimulate their development. This is investigated on in this research by a qualitative comparative case study within the planned Central Innovation District The Hague.

The building industry consumes a lot of energy, uses a lot of materials and generates a lot of waste. In order to achieve sustainable development, it has to change its focus from merely the use phase to the complete life cycle of buildings. The PD lab is an experimental platform that does so, by setting its aim to develop a modular and demountable building system that fits in a circular economy. In the spring of 2017, a prototype of the PD lab was built: the PD test lab. The cladding system that was applied, is made of an aluminium sandwich material, which is non-renewable, difficult to recycle and therefore not optimal for application in the circular economy. Biobased materials however are organic, renewable materials and might fit better in a circular economy.

This thesis researches the potentials of biobased materials for application as cladding material by developing a rainscreen cladding system for the PD lab. Based on a material assessment, the bio-composite material ‘Resysta’ is chosen as a starting point for the concept development. For seven aspects of the cladding system, which are: assembly, connection, horizontal joints, vertical joints, sub-construction, panel stiffness and processing technique, concepts are generated. The most suitable aspect concepts are then combined into five total concept. Initially, the total concept of extruded panels is elaborated. However, critical limitations of extrusion are encountered later on in the design process. These limitations are: open ends of the extruded panels and a processing technique which is inflexible, demands high initial investments and allows a maximum panel width of 300 milometers. Instead, the tapered panel total concept is elaborated. Based on the design problems that were found during the construction of the aluminium sandwich cladding system, special attention is given to the functions of drainage, cavity ventilation, aesthetics, assembly, space for adjustment and thermal expansion. Eventually, a biobased cladding system for the PD lab is achieved that fulfils these functions.

In order to bring the PD lab and its cladding system to the next level, further research is necessary on biobased materials, the development of critical cladding parts, processing techniques and the integration of the system in the circular economy.

Context – Within the Netherlands, an urgent mismatch between supply and demand in the residential sector results in adverse effects such as high house prices and reduced affordability. This mismatch is anticipated to grow further due to an increasing number of households (between 300,000 and 1,000,000 until 2040) and the many barriers in the development process of inner city locations. The Dutch residential development sector stands for a great challenge.
Objective – The objective of this thesis is to explore the functioning and possibilities of revolving funds for inner city development. The hypothesis of the research is therefore that a revolving fund provides a solution towards overcoming (some of) the barriers in urban development, particularly in the inner city.
Methods – The research is divided in three components: literature review, empirical study through a comparative case study, and the translation from the case study towards a revolving fund design for residential development in inner city locations.
Results – The case study has established that there are six structural elements that characterize revolving funds: goal focus, goal limitation, size of the fund organisation, distance to the responsible governmental body, risk acceptance and steering ability. A variant study shows different possibilities of the design of a revolving fund with different characteristics in regard to the six structural elements.
Conclusion - In general, the results imply that the use of a revolving fund can stimulate certain residential development projects that experience financing issues. The study has also established that there is a support base for a revolving fund in inner city development, both from a public and private of view. A revolving fund for inner city development should have an equal focus on societal and financial yield (goal focus) and should have a medium goal limitation. In terms of organisation, the fund should have a rather small organisation in relation to the fund volume and should be sufficiently distanced from the responsible governmental body. Regarding the financial structure, the risk acceptance should be relatively high to carry out the predefined tasks of the revolving fund. This results in a revolving fund through which governmental objectives can be carried out with high steering ability.
Keywords: inner city development, revolving fund, planning instruments, comparative case study

An exploratory case study research into possible forms of governance in shrinking urban areas.

Context: The city of The Hague is located in The Netherlands, in the province of Zuid-Holland and with nearly 500,000 inhabitants it is the third largest city of the country. The increasing dynamics of globalization have also made its way to The Hague, where urban competitiveness is increasingly considered to be an important aspect for the city’s future. In an attempt to reach high levels of urban competitiveness, the municipality of The Hague has recently announced its plans for the development of an innovation district.

Objective: The objective of this research is to intensively analyse a specific case (the innovation district in The Hague) and, in doing so, add to the scientific literature concerning innovation districts. By performing an empirical analysis about the demands of different groups in an innovation district and the ambitions and policies on the steering side, this research attempts to clarify what the physical needs are of specific groups of actors within the context of the innovation district in The Hague. What is more, it attempts to draw conclusions regarding the relationship between physical interventions and the development of innovation districts.

Methods: This thesis is divided into five main components: an introduction, a theoretical framework, a case analysis, the conclusions and recommendations and a reflection. The methods that have been used in this research are a literature review, interviews and a questionnaire. The quantitative data of the questionnaire has been statistically analysed by calculating the median and the inter-quartile range of each variable. What is more, frequency tables have been developed to create a more detailed image of the results of each variable. Pearson’s r and Pearson’s chi-square method have finally been used to discover significant differences and correlations.

Results: The results of the case study indicate several aspects that have high levels of importance to specific groups within the district, while others show lower levels of importance. The results of the levels of satisfaction of the different aspects within the district also show varying results for different sub-areas. The analysis of the 22@ district in Barcelona has also revealed a number of physical interventions related to the development of the district.

Conclusion: This research has resulted in a number of conclusions relating to the development of innovation districts. First, municipal leadership appears to be key in the early stages of a top-down initiated innovation district. Then, it has become apparent that the needs of the users of innovation districts go beyond sheer accessibility. Walkability, bike-ability and the presence of hospitality services are nearly equally important. However, user groups also have specific needs that other groups do not have. Therefore, when the vision is to create a mixed environment, it is important to consider these needs, otherwise innovation districts run the risk of having dispersed user groups. Another conclusion is that physical proximity does not guarantee learning (there is a need for common ground) and that physical conditions alone are not sufficient for innovation to take place. Finally, the cases studied in this research have shown that the brand ‘innovation district’ is being used by cities as a model to strive for, rather than a label that corresponds with the physical and economic situation at hand.